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Japanese nationalism | Wikipedia audio article

Japanese nationalism | Wikipedia audio article

Japanese nationalism (Japanese: 国粋主義,
Hepburn: Kokusui shugi) is the nationalism that asserts that the Japanese are a monolithic
nation with a single immutable culture, and promotes the cultural unity of the Japanese. It encompasses a broad range of ideas and
sentiments harbored by the Japanese people over the last two centuries regarding their
native country, its cultural nature, political form and historical destiny. It is useful to distinguish Japanese cultural
nationalism (see also nihonjinron) from political or state-directed nationalism (i.e., Shōwa
statism), since many forms of cultural nationalism, such as those associated with folkloric studies
(i.e., Yanagita Kunio), have been hostile to state-fostered nationalism.In Meiji period
Japan, nationalist ideology consisted of a blend of native and imported political philosophies,
initially developed by the Meiji government to promote national unity and patriotism,
first in defense against colonization by Western powers, and later in a struggle to attain
equality with the Great Powers. It evolved throughout the Taishō and Shōwa
periods to justify an increasingly totalitarian government and overseas expansionism, and
provided a political and ideological foundation for the actions of the Japanese military in
the years leading up to World War II.==Meiji period beginnings 1868–1912==
During the final days of the Tokugawa shogunate, the perceived threat of foreign encroachment,
especially after the arrival of Commodore Matthew C. Perry and the signing of the Kanagawa
Accord, led to increased prominence to the development of nationalist ideologies. Some prominent daimyō promoted the concept
of fukko (a return to the past), while others promoted ōsei (the Emperor’s supreme authority). The terms were not mutually exclusive, merging
into the sonnō jōi (revere the emperor, expel the barbarians) concept, which in turn
was a major driving force in starting the Meiji Restoration. The Meiji Constitution of 1889 defined allegiance
to the State as the citizen’s highest duty. While the constitution itself contained a
mix of political Western practices and traditional Japanese political ideas, government philosophy
increasingly centered on promoting social harmony and a sense of the uniqueness of the
Japanese people (kokutai).===Basis of economic growth===
The extreme disparity in economic and military power between Japan and the Western colonial
powers was a great cause for concern for the early Meiji leadership. The motto Fukoku kyōhei (enrich the country
and strengthen the military) symbolized Meiji period nationalistic policies to provide government
support to strengthen strategic industries. Only with a strong economic base could Japan
afford to build a strong, modern military along Western lines, and only with a strong
economy and military could Japan force a revision of the unequal treaties, such as the Kanagawa
Accords. Government policies also laid the basis of
later industrialist empires known as the zaibatsu.===Bushido (武士道)===
As a residue of its widespread use in propaganda during the 19th century, military nationalism
in Japan was often known as bushidō (the way of the warrior). The word, denoting a coherent code of beliefs
and doctrines about the proper path of the samurai, or what is called generically ‘warrior
thought’ (武家思想, buke shisō), is rarely encountered in Japanese texts before the Meiji
era, when the 11 volumes of the Hagakure of Yamamoto Tsunetomo, compiled in the years
from 1710 to 1716 where the character combination is employed, was finally published. Constituted over a long time by house manuals
on war and warriorship, it gained some official backing with the establishment of the Bakufu,
which sought an ideological orthodoxy in the Neo-Confucianism of Zhu Xi tailored for military
echelons that formed the basis of the new shogunal government. An important early role was played by Yamaga
Sokō in theorizing a Japanese military ethos. After the abolition of the feudal system,
the new military institutions of Japan were shaped along European lines, with Western
instructors, and the codes themselves modeled on standard models adapted from abroad. The impeccable behaviour, in terms of international
criteria, displayed by the Japanese military in the Russo-Japanese War was proof that Japan
finally had a modern army whose techniques, drilling and etiquette of war differed little
from that of what prevailed among the Western imperial powers.The Imperial Rescript for
Seamen and Soldiers (1890), presented Japan as a “sacred nation protected by the gods”. An undercurrent of traditional warrior values
never wholly disappeared, and as Japan slid towards a cycle of repeated crises from the
mid-Taishō to early Shōwa eras, the old samurai ideals began to assume importance
among more politicized officers in the Imperial Japanese Army. Sadao Araki played an important role in adapting
a doctrine of seishin kyōiku (spiritual training) as an ideological backbone for army personnel. As Minister of Education, he supported the
integration of the samurai code into the national education system.===Role of Shinto===In developing the modern concepts of State
Shintoism (国家神道, kokka shintō) and emperor worship, various Japanese philosophers
tried to revive or purify national beliefs (kokugaku) by removing imported foreign ideas,
borrowed primarily from Chinese philosophy. This “Restoration Shintōist Movement” began
with Motoori Norinaga in the 18th century. Motoori Norinaga, and later Hirata Atsutane,
based their research on the Kojiki and other classic Shintō texts which teach the superiority
of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu. This formed the basis for State Shintōism,
as the Japanese emperor claimed direct descent from Amaterasu. The emperor himself was therefore sacred,
and all proclamations of the emperor had thus a religious significance. After the Meiji Restoration, the new imperial
government needed to rapidly modernize the polity and economy of Japan, and the Meiji
oligarchy felt that those goals could only be accomplished through a strong sense of
national unity and cultural identity, with State Shintōism as an essential counterweight
to the imported Buddhism of the past, the Christianity and other Western philosophies
of the present.In 1890, the Imperial Rescript on Education was issued, and students were
required to ritually recite its oath to “offer yourselves courageously to the State” as well
as protect the Imperial family. The practice of emperor worship was further
spread by distributing imperial portraits for esoteric veneration. All of these practices used to fortify national
solidarity through patriotic centralized observance at shrines are said to have given pre-war
Japanese nationalism a tint of mysticism and cultural introversion.The hakko ichiu (八紘一宇)
philosophy became popular during the Second Sino-Japanese War. This came to be regarded by militarists as
a doctrine that the emperor was the center of the phenomenal world, lending religious
impetus to ideas of Japanese territorial expansion.===Education===The principal educational emphasis from the
Meiji period was on the great importance of traditional national political values, religion
and morality. The Imperial Rescript on Education of 1890
promoted a return to traditional Confucian values in the hierarchal nature of human relations,
with the State superior to the Individual, and the Emperor superior to the State. The Japanese state modernized organizationally,
but preserved its national idiosyncrasies. The attitude reinforced from 1905 was that
Japan was to be a powerful nation, equal at least to the Western powers. During the Shōwa period the educational system
was used for supporting the militarized state and preparing future soldiers. The government published official text books
for all levels of student, and reinforced that with cultural activities, seminars, etc. Emphasis on the texts such as the Kokutai-no-shugi
in schools was intended to emphasize the “uniqueness of Japan” from ancient centuries. These cultural courses were supplemented with
military and survival courses against foreign invasion. Apart from indoctrination in nationalism and
religion, children and school students received military drills (survival, first aid). These were taken further by the Imperial Youth
Federation; college students were trained, and some recruited, for home defense and regular
military units. Young women received first aid training. All of these actions were said to be taken
to ensure Japan’s safety, and protect against larger and more dangerous countries.==Nationalist politics=====
Origin of nationalist structures and parties===In 1882, the Japanese Government organized
the Teiseito (Imperial Gubernative Party), one of the first nationalist parties in the
country. Starting from the Russo-Japanese War, Japan
adopted the moniker “Dai Nippon Teikoku”, acquiring a colonial empire, with the acquisition
of the Ryukyus (1879), Formosa (1895), the Liaodong Peninsula and Karafuto (1905), the
South Pacific Mandate islands (1918–19) and Joseon (Korea) (1905–10). The wars against China and Russia were modern
wars, and demanded a nationalist expression of patriotic sentiment. From this period, the Yasukuni Shrine (founded
in 1869) was converted into a focus for nationalist sentiment, and received state patronage until
the end of World War II. Yasukuni was dedicated to those Japanese and
non-Japanese who had lost their lives serving Japan, and includes all war deaths from domestic
and overseas conflicts from 1869–1945 (and none from any conflicts since 1945), but also
civilians (women and students) and civil administration in colonies and occupied territories. Between 1926 and 1928, the central government
organized the “Peace Preservation Department” (an antisubversive police section), and prosecuted
all local communists who proposed a socialist form of government. The Japanese Army organized the Kempeitai
(military police service). Dissent was controlled by the usage of political
and press repression, with the Peace Preservation Law permitting police to restrict freedom
of expression and freedom to assemble.===Realities of political power===Since the Meiji restoration, the central figure
of the state was the emperor. According to the constitution, the emperor
was Head of State (article 4) and Supreme Commander of the Army and the Navy (article
11). Emperor Shōwa was also, from 1937, the commander
of the Imperial General Headquarters. Japanese citizens were rallied to the “Defensive
State” or “Consensus State”, in which all efforts of the nation supported collective
objectives, by guidance from national myths, history, and dogma — thus obtaining a “national
consensus”. Democratic institutions were installed in
1890 with the promulgation of a constitution and continued to acquire legitimacy until
the 1920s, when they fell into disrepute. Concerns that irresponsible political parties
could have too great an influence over vital military affairs introduced a rule that the
Army alone should nominate the Army Minister in civilian government. This permitted the army to have a de facto
veto over civilian governments by having the power to refuse to nominate a candidate. This policy was introduced in law in 1900
but abolished in 1913. It was reintroduced in 1936, cementing military
influence over government after that time. The political system of Japan became subverted
by the military throughout the 1930s from repeated attempted coups, and independent
militarist interventions. The invasion of Manchuria after elements in
the army manufactured an incident to justify a takeover was accomplished without instruction
from the Tokyo government. This showed the impotence of the civilian
government to have any influence over the impulses of the army. Governments become increasingly passive, allowing
agency and direction of the state to fall to disparate competing elements of the army. The role of the emperor remained highly prestigious,
with various factions competing to advocate their interpretation of what the emperor “truly”
wanted. After the war, scrutiny of the emperors role
in the war and militarism intensified. For many historians such as Akira Fujiwara,
Akira Yamada, Peter Wetzler, Herbert Bix and John Dower, the work done by Douglas MacArthur
and SCAP during the first months of the occupation of Japan to exonerate Hirohito and all the
imperial family from criminal prosecutions in the Tokyo tribunal was the predominant
factor in the campaign to diminish in retrospect the role played by the emperor during the
war. They argue that post-war view focused on the
imperial conferences and missed the numerous “behind the chrysanthemum curtain” meetings
where the real decisions were made between Emperor Shōwa, his chiefs of staff, and the
cabinet. For Fujiwara, “the thesis that the Emperor,
as an organ of responsibility, could not reverse cabinet decision, is a myth fabricated after
the war.”===Political ideas===
During the 1920s, right-wing nationalist beliefs became an increasingly dominant force. State support for Shinto encouraged a belief
in the mythological history of Japan and thus led to mysticism and cultural chauvinism. Some secret societies took up ultranationalism
and Japan-centered radical ideas. They included: Genyōsha (Black Ocean Society,
1881), Kokuryu-kai (Amur River Society, or Black Dragon Society, 1901), movements dedicated
to overseas Japanese expansion to the north; Nihon Kokusui Kai (Japanese Patriotic Society,
1919), founded by Tokoname Takejiro; Sekka Boshidan (Anti-Red League) founded at the
same time as the Japanese Communist Party; and the Kokuhonsha (State Basis Society) founded
in 1924 by Baron Hiranuma, for the preservation of the unique national character of Japan
and its special mission in Asia. Some of the nationalist ideas can be attributed
to the ideologue Ikki Kita (1885–1937), an Amur River Society member. In his 1919 book An Outline Plan for the Reorganization
of Japan, Kita proposed a military coup d’état to promote the supposed true aims of the Meiji
Restoration. This book was banned, but certain military
circles read in it in the early 1930s. Kita’s plan was phrased in terms of freeing
the Emperor from weak or treasonous counsellors. After suspending the constitution, and dissolving
the Diet, the Emperor and his military defenders should work for a “collectivist direct voluntarism”
to unify people and leaders. Harmony with the working classes would be
sought by the abolition of the aristocracy and austerity for the Imperial House. Overseas, Japan would free Asia of Western
influence. The Amur River Society was later instrumental
in the Manchurian incident.===Political nationalist movements===
The Japanese Navy was in general terms more traditionalist, in defending ancient values
and the sacred nature of the Emperor; the Japanese Army was more forward-looking, in
the sense of valuing primarily strong leadership, as is evidenced by the use of the coup and
direct action. The Navy typically preferred political methods. The Army, ultimately, was the vehicle for
the hypernationalists, anti-communists, anticapitalists, antiparliamentarians, and Nationalist-Militarist
ideals. The military were considered politically “clean”
in terms of political corruption, additionally assuming responsibility for ‘restoring’ the
security of the nation. The armed forces took up criticism of the
traditional democratic parties and regular government for many reasons (low funds for
the armed forces, compromised national security, weakness of the leaders). They were also, by their composition, closely
aware of the effects of economic depression on the middle and lower classes, and the communist
threat. Both branches gained in power as they administered
the exterior provinces and military preparations.===Nationalist right in the 1920s===
Other nationalist rightist groups in the 1920s were the Jinmu Kai (Emperor Jimmu Society),
Tenketo Kai (Heaven Spade Party), Ketsumeidan (Blood Fraternity) and Sakura Kai (Cherry
Blossom Society) . This last was founded by Dr. Shūmei Ōkawa, professor of the Colonization
Academy, and radical defender of expansionism and military armed revolution at home. Amongst members were Army officers implicated
in the Manchuria Affair, such as Kingoro Hashimoto, and Ishikawa Kanishi. Okawa served as a conduit by which Kita Ikki’s
ideas reached young nationalist officers on the right. Violent coups took place, and the Kwantung
Army made, in effect unilaterally, the decision to invade Manchuria. This was then treated as a fait accompli by
Government and Emperor.===Doctrines===
The Amau Doctrine (the “Asian Monroe Doctrine”) stated that Japan assumed the total responsibility
for peace in Asia. Minister Kōki Hirota proclaimed “a special
zone, anti-communist, pro-Japanese and pro-Manchukuo” and that Northern China was a “fundamental
part” of Japanese national existence, in announcing a “holy war” against the Soviet Union and
China as the “national mission”. During 1940 Prince Konoe proclaimed the Shintaisei
(New National Structure), making Japan into an “advanced state of National Defense”, and
the creation of the Taisei Yokusankai (Imperial Authority Assistance Association), for organizing
a centralized “consensus state”. Associated are the government creation of
the Tonarigumi (residents’ committees). Other ideological creations of the time were
the book “Shinmin no Michi” (臣民の道), the “Imperial Way” or “War Party” (Kodoha)
Army party, the “Yamato spirit” (Yamato-damashii), and the idea of hakko ichiu (which directly
translates to “8 corners under one roof”, that means, “one house in which every people
can live” or “everyone is family”), “Religion and Government Unity” (Saisei itchi), and
Kokka Sodoin Ho (General Mobilization Right). The official academic texts included Kokutai
no Hongi and Shinmin no Michi. Both presented a view of Japan’s history and
the Japanese ideal to unite East and West.===Geostrategy===The economic doctrines of the “Yen block”
were in 1941 transformed to the “Great Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere” Plan, as a basis for
the Japanese national finances, and conquest plans. There was a history of perhaps two decades
behind these moves. The Japanese theorists, such as Saneshige
Komaki, concerned with Mainland Asia, knew the geostrategic theory of Halford Mackinder,
expressed in the book Democratic Ideas and Reality. He discussed why the ‘World Island’ of Eurasia
and Africa was dominant, and why the key to this was the ‘Central Land’ in Central Asia. This is protected from sea attack, by deserts
and mountains, and is vulnerable only on its west side, and to advanced technology from
Europe. Mackinder declared that: “Who rules East Europe
commands the Heartland; Who rules the heartland commands the World Island; Who rules the World
Island commands the World”. These central Asiatic lands included: all
of the Soviet Union, except the Pacific coast, west of the Volga river; all Mongolia, Sinkiang,
Tibet and Iran. This zone is vast and possesses natural resources
and raw materials, does not possess major farming possibilities, and has very little
population. Mackinder thought in terms of land and sea
power: the latter can outflank the former, and carry out distant logistical operations,
but needs adequate bases. These geopolitical ideas coincided with the
theories of Lieutenant Colonel Kanji Ishiwara, sent in 1928 to Manchuria to spy. The Army adopted them, in the form of the
Strike North Group. The Navy, on the other hand, was interested
in the southerly direction of expansion. An extended debate ensued, resolved in the
end by the stern experience of Japan’s armed conflicts with the Soviet Union in 1938-39. This tipped the balance towards the ‘South’
plan, and the Pearl Harbor attack that precipitated the Pacific War in 1941.===Other ideological lines===
The Showa Studies Society was another “think tank” for future leaders of a radical totalitarian
Japan, led by Count Yoriyasu Arima. He was a supporter of radical political experiments. He read Karl Marx and Max Stirner, and other
radical philosophers. With Fumimaro Konoe and Fusanosuke Kuhara,
they created a revolutionary radical-right policy. These revolutionary groups later had the help
of several important personages, making reality to some certain ideas of the nationalist-militarist
policy with practical work in Manchukuo. They included General Hideki Tōjō, chief
of Kempeitai and leader of Kwantung Army; Yosuke Matsuoka, who served as president of
the (South Manchuria Railway Company) and Foreign Affairs minister; and Naoki Hoshino,
an army ideologist who organized the government and political structure of Manchukuo. Tojo later became War Minister and Prime Minister
in the Konoe cabinet, Matsuoka Foreign Minister, and Hoshino chief of Project departments charged
with establishing a new economic structure for Japan. Some industrialists representative of this
ideological strand were Ichizō Kobayashi, President of Tokio Gasu Denki, setting the
structure for the Industry and Commerce ministry, and Shōzō Murata, representing the Sumitomo
Group becoming Communication Minister. Other groups created were the Government Imperial
Aid Association. Involved in both was Colonel Kingoro Hashimoto,
who proposed a Nationalist single party dictatorship, combined with a state-run economy. The militarists had strong support from the
wealthy owners of major industries, but there were also certain socialist-nationalist sentiments
on the part of radical officers. The “New Asia Day” celebration was to remember
the sacred mission of extending influence to nearby Asian nations. The Japanese government, possibly following
the German example of a “Worker’s Front” State Syndicate, ultimately organized the Nation
Service Society to group all the trades unions in the country. All syndicates of the “Japanese Workers Federation”
were integrated into this controlling body.===Control of communications media===The Press and other communication media were
managed under the Information Department of the Home Ministry. Radio Tokyo was charged with disseminating
all official information around the world. The radio transmitted in English, Dutch, three
Chinese dialects, Malay, Thai, as well Japanese to Southeast Asia; and the Islamic world had
programs broadcast in Hindi, Burmese, Arabic, English and French. In Hawaii, there were radio programs in English
and Japanese. Other daily transmissions were to Europe,
South and Central America, eastern areas of South America and the USA, with Australia
and New Zealand receiving broadcasts too. The official press agency Domei Tsushin was
connected with the Axis powers’ press agencies such as DNB, Transoceanic, the Italian agency
Stefani and others. Local and Manchukoan newspapers such as Manchurian
Daily News (Japanese-owned) were under the control of these institutions and only published
officially approved notices and information.==Nationalist symbology=====
Shiragiku (the chrysanthemum)===The shiragiku (lit. “white chrysanthemum”) or more common chrysanthemum
flower was much used as an imperial symbol. It alludes to the Chrysanthemum Throne, the
traditional seat of Japanese emperors.===Banzai===
The traditional cheer given to the Emperor and other dignitaries, or on special commemorations,
was Tenno Heika Banzai (天皇陛下万歳 or 萬歲, ‘long live the Emperor’) or the
shortened form, Banzai. The latter term, which means “ten thousand
years,” is an expression of Chinese origin (万歳) adopted by the Japanese in the Meiji
period. In its original sense, it is meant to represent
an indeterminably lengthy time and is used to wish long life to a person, state, or project. As co-opted by the Japanese, it originally
was simply used in this sense to wish long life to the Emperor (and by extension the
Japanese state). As the war progressed, it became the typical
Japanese war cry or victory shout and was used to encourage Imperial troops in combat.===Other nationalist symbols===
Flag of Japan Rising Sun Flag
Good Luck Flag (signed war banner) Five-point star badge (Imperial Japanese Army
symbol) Cherry blossom badge (with or without anchor)
(Imperial Japanese Navy symbol) Hachimaki headband
Senninbari (“One-thousand stitch belt”) Kimigayo (His Imperial Majesty’s Reign)
Yasukuni Shrine==
Post-war developments==In February 1946, General Douglas MacArthur
was set the task of drafting a model constitution to serve as a guide for the Japanese people. The U.S. intention was to ensure that the
sources of Japanese militarism were rooted out through fundamental reforms of the Japanese
government, society, and economic structure. Perhaps the most lasting effect that came
out of this constitution is Article 9 that reads: “Aspiring sincerely to an international peace
based on justice and order, the Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign right
of the nation and the threat or use of force as a means of settling international disputes. In order to accomplish the aim of the preceding
paragraph, land, sea, and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained. The right to belligerency of the state will
not be recognized.”With the renunciation of war and military power, Japan looked to the
United States for security. As the Cold War began, the United States fostered
a closer relationship with Japan due to the latter’s strategic location in respect to
the USSR. Japan became, as stated by the Japanese Prime
Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, an “unsinkable aircraft carrier” for the United States. Ensuing from this close relationship with
the United States, Japan hoped that in time their country would become the “third leg
in a triangle involving two superpowers.” The seventies witnessed Japan’s adoption of
three fundamental tenets that would seek to define and direct Japanese internationalism,
all concerning the need for Japanese initiatives in fostering a liberal internationalism. Japanese economic progress after World War
II undermined the appeal of pre-war militarist nationalism, showing a path to prosperity
was possible without colonies.==Nationalist right-wing groups==In 1996, the National Police Agency estimated
that there are over 1,000 extremist right-wing groups in Japan, with about 100,000 members
in total. These groups are known in Japanese as Uyoku
dantai. While there are political differences among
the groups, they generally carry a philosophy of anti-leftism, hostility towards People’s
Republic of China, North Korea, and South Korea, and justification of Japan’s role in
World War II. Uyoku dantai groups are well known for their
highly visible propaganda vehicles fitted with loudspeakers and prominently marked with
the name of the group and propaganda slogans. The vehicles play patriotic or wartime-era
songs. Activists affiliated with such groups have
used Molotov cocktails and time bombs to intimidate moderate politicians and public figures, including
former Deputy Foreign Minister Hitoshi Tanaka and Fuji Xerox Chairman Yotaro Kobayashi. An ex-member of a right-wing group set fire
to LDP politician Koichi Kato’s house. Koichi Kato and Yotaro Kobayashi had spoken
out against Koizumi’s visits to Yasukuni Shrine.Openly revisionist, Nippon Kaigi is considered “the
biggest right-wing organization in Japan”.==Nationalist right-wing political parties
==Liberal Democratic Party (1955–present)
Japan Nation Party (1988–present) Ishin Seitō Shimpū (1995–present)
Party for Japanese Kokoro (2014–present) Japan First Party (2016–present)==See also==
Culture of Japan International Research Center for Japanese
Studies Japanification
Japanization Japanophile
Japanese studies Japonism
Heita Kawakatsu Nichirenism
Meiji Restoration State Shinto
Takeshi Umehara Japanese military modernization of 1868–1931
Pacific Movement of the Eastern World Flying geese paradigm
Japanese post-war economic miracle==Bibliography==
Behr, Edward. The
Last Emperor (in Spanish El Ultimo Emperador), translated and published for:
ISBN 84-320-4410-5 (Spanish), Editorial Planeta, Fourth Edition, 1988. ISBN 0-553-34474-9 (English), Bantam, 1987
Newman, Joseph. Goodbye Japan, published in New York, 1942
(in Spanish Adios al Japon) translated and published for Editorial Poseidon, Buenos Aires
Arg, 1943. Moore, Frederick. With Japan’s Leaders, published in New York,
1942 Whitney Hall, John. Japanese Empire, Vol.20 (in Spanish Imperio
Japones) translated and published for Ed Historia Universal XXI,1967. Emmott, Bill. “Japan’s English Lessons” Foreign Policy,
140 (2004) Kase, Yuri. “Japan’s Nonnuclear Weapons Policy on the
Changing Security Environment” World Affairs, 165.3 (2003)
Lincoln, Edward. “Japan: Using Power Narrowly” Washington Quarterly,
27.1 (Winter 2003/2004) Ozawa, Terutomo. “The New Economic Nationalism and the Japanese
Disease”: The Conundrum of Managed Economic Growth” Journal of Economic Issues, v30 (1996)
Pyle, Kenneth B. The Japanese Question: Power and Purpose in a New Era, (Washington, D.C.)==Other historical references=====
Asian and Pacific geopolitics===Shaw, B. Earl, article “United States Pacific
Defense” in Van Valkenburg, Samuel Book America at War Prentice-Hall, (1942). Weigerth, W. Hans.”Haushofer and the Pacific”,
Foreign Affairs, XX (1942), P.732-742. Mackinder, J. Halford, Democratic Ideals and
Reality, New York, Holt, (1942). Bowman, Isaiah. The New World, Yonker-on-Hudson, World Book,
(1928), 4th Ed.===Official publications of the Japanese
and Manchukuo governments===Imperial Japanese Government Railways, Official
guides to Eastern Asia, I, Manchuria and Chosen, Tokio, 1913 and later years. South Manchurian Railway Company Ed, 1929. – Progress in Manchuria (Report), 1907–28
Manchurian Year Books (various editions) Far East Yearbooks (from 1941)
Review of Contemporary Manchuria (since 1937) Review of Contemporary Manchuria, 1939. Official Publications of Manchukuo Government. Manchuria Annals, Vol.,1933-39. Official Publications of Manchukuo Government. Hayashide, Kenjiro, Epochal journey to Nippon. Official Publications of Manchukuo Government. Japan Yearbook, Tokio, (since 1941)
Tokio Nichi-Nichi, Osaka Mainichi (newspapers), English language supplements (from the 1930s)
The newspapers Nippon Dempo and Tenshin Nichi-Nichi Shimbun, Review Bungei Shunju
Voice of the People of Manchukuo. Manchoukuoan Government edition. Japan-Manchukuo Yearbook (1940s)
Governments-General of Taiwan, Chosen and Karafuto, Official Annual Reports on administration
of these Provinces (1924–1926 and other years). Mitsubishi Economics Research Bureau. “Japanese Trade and Industry, Present and
Future”, Mcmillan, London (1936) Reviews and other publications of Kokusai
Bunka Shinkokai (International Cultural Relations Society), Tokyo (1930s/40s). Publications of Kan-Ichi Uchida, Tokyo, Kobunsha
Co. (same period

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